Tuesday, November 13, 2012

Towards a New Global Justice Compact





TOWARDS A NEW GLOBAL JUSTICE COMPACT
Alejandro Bendaña
Centro de Estudios Internacionales
Managua, Nicaragua
November 13, 2012



John Maynard Keynes once famously said—“When the facts change, I change my mind”.  “What do you do?”
The facts are changing demanding that we not simply change our mind, but review, reaffirm or change our paradigms altogether.  There is no alternative—an affirmation made from the perspective of global peacebuilding, which at this point in global history, needs to review the shape and future of the forest, lest the trees and branches of particular and often recurring episodes of violence and situations demanding justice, important as they are, must not  distract us from the larger dilemma that faces us all demanding even more work

It may be too late to stop the offloading of the proverbial straw that broke the camel’s back—why not another camel and a new way of living with the camel instead of merely not killing it?  A new or renewed Global Justice Compact with three fundamental components.


FIRST—A NEW ENVIRONMENTAL COMPACT  

The first fact, which by this time should not be ‘new’ to anyone is the dealing with the consequences of the environmental equation.  No longer in the making, but made and imploding before our very eyes.  The implosion is as much environmental as political, that is the political will and capacity to deal with the consequences of present ‘development’ models spelling a crisis for this generation and an even greater one for the next

If further evidence were still to be required, it was provided by Artic experts who in September, 2012 concluded that the collapse of Northern sea ice is now underway and will be final within four years.[1]
That same month, the Climate Vulnerable Forum, a grouping of some 20 countries, reminded us that today five million deaths occur each year from air pollution, hunger and disease as a result of climate change and carbon-intensive economies, and that toll would likely rise to six million a year by 2030 if current patterns of fossil fuel use continue.  As usual, more than 90 percent of the estimated deaths would occur in developing countries.[2]

And also as usual some of the chief culprits are in denial.  Typified perhaps by a columnist for the ultra-capitalist Forbes magazine complaining  that the problem with the  said report is that it only deals with costs and not trade-offs!  In similar form but this time employing religion, new head of a US Congressional subcommittee on the environment explained that global warming cannot be a problem because God promised Noah that there will not be another flood.[3]

If our paradigm has room for such deniers then definitely it is time to move on and change the rules of engagement.  There is little time to wast and admonishment theirs or ours does not seem to be getting us anywhere.  A paradigm shift imperative is imperative—of thought and of power, because the first without the other is gets us nowhere, while power without thought–sort of where we are now-- is positively dangerous.  The technical must meet the political on political grounds, and not the other way around.

Yet for all our insistence on the ‘new’, we must pick up the trail to the future looking back at the wisdom of the many indigenous peoples today who insist that the earth is not something we inherit from our ancestors, but something that we borrow from our children and their children.

A paradigm shift is being shaped that that breaks with both rule of capital and classical Marxism both of which considered consumption and production as progress, to a paradigm that actually places restraint on consumption and production, on all, but in particularly of the rich, for the rich and by the rich.

If that is the thought, then where is the power?    Here we should encourage looking at the work of a spreading movement working to recognize what is variously termed Nature/Mother Earth/Environment, as a legal subject of Rights and Laws. 

The Rights of Mother Earth movements tell us that ALL of life has inherent and inalienable rights; that human development can only be sustainable if the social demands and needs of humanity are balanced against the need to maintain the integrity, health and functioning of natural systems.  In other words what is still tolerated today, must be made legally a crime, also today!

Legal systems define parameters of acceptable behaviors and actions, how we humans relate to each other and to the world around us. In most countries, legal systems treat nature as property to be bought, sold and consumed. Under such laws, human concerns invariably prevail over Nature and the carrying capacity of natural ecosystems instead of being weighed against the needs of ecosystems and other beings in order to strike an appropriate balance.

One of the reasons why contemporary legal and governance systems have failed is because they t have been designed to facilitate and legitimate the unsustainable exploitation of Nature.

An essential step in achieving this natural balance is to fill a governance gap, by creating governance systems that see and treat Nature as a fundamental, rights bearing entity and not as mere property to be exploited at will. Breaking out of the human-centered limitations of our current legal systems by recognizing, respecting and enforcing Rights of Nature is one of the most transformative and highly leveraged actions that humanity can take to create a sustainable future for all.

This is no pipe dream—as there are now functional national legal systems which incorporate the Rights of Nature.  The new constitutions in Ecuador and Bolivia explicitly recognized the status of natural communities.  Ecosystems are no longer from regarded as property under the law but as rights-bearing entities. These constitutional provisions and laws recognize that natural communities and ecosystems—no less than human beings-- possess an inalienable, fundamental right to exist, be protected and flourish.

Residents of communities where Rights of Nature have been adopted possess the legal authority to enforce those rights on behalf of those ecosystems. In addition, these laws require the governmental apparatus to remedy violations of those ecosystem rights.
Rights of Nature laws eliminate the authority of a property owner to interfere with the functioning of ecosystems and natural communities that exist and depend upon that property for their existence and flourishing. They do not stop development; rather they stop development and use of property that interferes with the existence and vitality of those ecosystems.  Rights of Nature lays the foundation for truly sustainable and viable development to occur.[4]

Definitely paradigmatic stuff.  Not only in terms of law, but also of social and political sciences, no longer only  simply to the social compact between the individual person and the State taught in political theory, but a new Socio-Environmental compact that is not a dichotomy but triangular: the individual, the State, and Nature.  Here both societies and the states (including corporations) are called upon, as a matter of law, not of simple persuasion, to legally recognized the rights of Nature.  Where the 20th century binding Universal Declaration on Human Rights is insolubly linked and interdependent with an equal binding 21st Century Universal Declaration on the Rights of Nature/Mother Earth that also makes its way into binding law.

What is our Action Point? Provide support to Bolivia and other countries that are leading this effort in the UN.  Bolivia has been lambasted by the US and Britain in the UN climate talks for demanding steep carbon emission cuts.  The threat of a good example—the threat posed by that country’s legislation establishing 11 new rights for nature. They include: the right to life and to exist; the right to continue vital cycles and processes free from human alteration; the right to pure water and clean air; the right to balance; the right not to be polluted; and the right to not have cellular structure modified or genetically altered.  And in the works : the right of nature “not be affected by mega-infrastructure and development projects that affect the balance of ecosystems and the local inhabitant communities". 




SECOND–REIGNING IN FINANCIAL AND ECONOMIC CORPORATE POWER

Since the French Revolution, western political thought has basically held that States made entities could be governed by men (and more recently by women) in order to reflect the demands and responsibilities of citizens.  An obscure UN document now making the rounds in New York is about to throw out that principle by turning it on its head and put forth a new proposition best enunciated publicly by the US Presidential Republican Party nominee who said “corporations are people and have rights too” or a Supreme Court that stated corporations ‘right to expression’ could not be limited, including presumably the right to fund the defense of corporate interests including political campaigns.


It what amounts to global privatization, including the privatization of the State, the same financial capital conglomerates that brought you the worst economic breakdown in half a century are about to be rewarded not simply by immoral massive dividends but by the release from accountability to any global authority. This rather massive gap in global governance is well on its way to being closed by it becoming the norm instead of gap.  Where, in the name of the free market, corporate interests shape and frame global economic governance. 

Once upon a time it countries of the South and their allies acted through the United Nations to push the development of global regulatory frameworks over international business.  There was even a time when important UN agencies refused to accept donations of computers from its global manufacturers lest its independence be seen as compromised.  But times have changed!  One of the supreme ironies of our time is of bankers in New York or London or Zurich facing the possibility of indictment for actions leading to the 2008 financial collapse takes place at the same time the assembly of governments gathered in the UNGA  may just with the bang of a hammer approve the emasculation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights excepting capital from that universality.[5]

Is further evidence required to demonstrate how the global capitalist crisis is having a detrimental impact on human beings and therefore their rights?  Is it not obvious that individual States have failed to reign in the corporate conglomerates notwithstanding the outcry of ruined and unemployed citizens?  Of course, it is be too easy simply to blame a UN as if it were not the expression of its 200plus states.  Let’s rather blame governments including our all of our own, and us as national citizens. But as global citizens, we along with so many governments are just as responsible for the failure to enact democratic global governance and reign in the markets.  Far from a regulatory environment we have a permissive environment for wrongful acts and practices of all sorts, without adequate sanctioning or reparation.  Those gaps are not abstract because they translate into miserable conditions of livelihood, disease and death. 

As a number of human rights organizations have pointed out these allegedly ‘private’ actors have very ‘public’ legal obligations.[6] But that argument appears to be losing if we review the final considerations presented to the Human Rights Council and now up for review in the General Assembly. 

Some  years ago the United Nations Human Rights Council asked the UN Secretary-General to appoint a Special Representative to investigate a number of important issues relating to business and human rights. The mandate of the SRSG arose from the failure by the Council a year earlier to adopt a document known as the UN Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights.3

That Ruggie report, named after the Special Representative John Ruggie,  was issued and is now out being applauded by entities such as the International Chamber of Commerce while greatly disappointing civil society groups working on human rights, the environment but also peacebuilding advocates, particularly those who also want to limit put the massive expansion of private international security companies and equally unaccountable privatization of war.

For a thorough and thoughtful assessment of the Ruggie report, one can turn to the study [7] by Professor David Bilchitz of the University of Johannesburg.  Here he advances a strong normative argument for the claim that corporate obligations should not only involve ‘negative’ obligations to avoid harm but also include a ‘duty to fulfill’: obligations to contribute actively to the realisation of fundamental rights.   This is so clear in in the case of pharmaceutical corporations as the TAC campaign so strongly argued on behalf of HIV affected people, but –yes—also mining corporations.  What Professor Bilchitz and others underscore is the huge retreat from what should be a normative obligation not simply to ‘avoid’ negative practices but indeed –particularly in this global financial and environmental and security moment—to actually promote rights.

According to this study, “the flaws in Ruggie’s framework – particularly his reduction of corporate obligations to a ‘responsibility to respect’ – could threaten the realization of fundamental rights (particularly in the developing world) and imperil the development of a more adequate framework for the protection of fundamental rights in the longer term. Accepting Ruggie’s minimalist framework as it stands would mean reducing widely our expectations of business and the very possibility of transforming our world from the current status quo of vast differentials in well-being into one that offers the possibility of realizing.”

This effort has enormous implications because it can form part of a different consensus that will look not simply at individual corporations, but can go on to examine the nature of corporations so that they are not simply regarded as entities focused upon the self-interested maximization of profit but that they are structures where shareholder are morally and perhaps legally compelled to insure that corporate activities benefit the environment, societies and individuals with whom they interact.


Action Point: Influencing the debate on the Ruggie report to take place in the UN. Our strategy would call for demanding that the Human Rights Council rapporteur’s implementation mandate be widened to include an investigation into corporate obligations to protect and fulfill as well and to develop guiding principles for the determination of the exact scope and nature of corporate obligations in this regard.


THREE—BRING BACK THE SUPREMACY OF THE RULE OF (JUST) LAW


We have made an argument for meaningful legally-binding justice system to govern human and corporate behavior.  The problem with legal systems however is that that powerful nations still face the temptation of interpreting international law and norms in such a way that it suits their interests, and setting them aside when they don’t, and maybe the same is true at the national level. Undermining at one level however undermines all the others.  The point is we can’t throw out the baby of rule of law with the bathwater massive rule of law violations.  Further, when the law is wielded only against the powerless, it ceases to be a safeguard against injustice and becomes an instrument of oppression.[8]
Here we can also glance back at the past following the intellectual trail indicated by the great socialist historian E.P. Thompson.  Thompson socialist humanisms was reflected in a lecture at Warwick University where he reiterated that capitalist society offers a thoroughly inhuman form of political community and that this was mirrored rather than overcome in actually existing `socialist' states. Thompson looked to the eighteenth century for images of human community prior to its disintegration into modernity and a distorted rule of law regime.
Thompson visualized the moral community of eighteenth century plebeian movements who fought to uphold traditional rights against modern laws of private property.  In what became a famous assertion, particularly as it came from a socialist perspective, Thompson defended the ideality of the rule of law as an unqualified human good and its necessity as an inhibition on power.  History, he argued, indicated that where the law did not serve humanity,  people struggled to have the unjust law replaced by the just rule of law. Thompson linked the idea of moral community to the upholding of traditional use rights against modern laws of private property.[9]
Today, the struggle for awareness and practice of genuinely moral rule of law could hardly be more relevant.   But some, perhaps correctly, are coming to the conclusion that the world has ceased to care. One columnist termed the question “Is it Legal” as the ‘dumb question of the 21st century.[10] Are we living in a post-legal era and society?  Was the Libyan war legal—did resolution 1973 really authorize war?  Are drone attacks and kill lists legitimate?  Was the killing of Bin Laden legal?  When, if ever, torture, kidnapping and assassination nationally and internationally legal?  Is it true the UNSC ostensibly legalizes such actions?  Are financial elites protected and given a right to carry out legalized corruption filthy enrichment, while millions are unemployed? These are questions not affirmations.  And those who pose them are neither dumb nor naïve nor extremists.  Writing for The New York Times, a former President of the United States said “our government's counterterrorism polices are now clearly violating at least 10 of the declarations 30 articles, including the prohibition against 'cruel , inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment'.”[11]

One would think that, at the very least, a debate is called for. But that is precisely what is missing, and why it is all the more worrisome.  The is it legal, let alone is it right questions, provoke rolled over eyes.  So as a cause or consequence few are asking. Are the answers irrelevant?  If 20th century political behaviour does not correspond with the law, can we pick up the historic struggle to change the behavior instead of changing the law to accommodate malevolent practices?

                                                                    
At a time when popular revolutions and rebellions are sweeping the globe, countries of the South, and Africa in particular, need to act and seen to be acting to strengthen basic rules of law and principles of justice enumerated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and international law.

Martin Luther King used to say that ‘Every step toward the goal of justice requires sacrifice, suffering and struggle’.  Legal justice, economic justice, climate justice will indeed require not simply sacrifice, suffering and struggle but also a Strategy to transform the illegality order. 

The  global wealth misdistribution  crisis, that attempts to privatize the resources that belong to all the planet, the global political ambitions and doings designs of powerful countries and the environmental nightmare dawning upon us all requires both new and old legal instrument:  instruments of law to fill in or better yet transform the democratic governance. Herein lies a key global paradox that takes the form of a national and social dilemmas demanding democratic determinations to turn unacceptable global paradoxes into global democratic governance.

This is crucial for the nations of the Global South.  As Mahmood Mandani has argued, the emerging global regime now seeks to ‘ bifurcates the international system between sovereign states whose citizens have political rights, and de facto trusteeship territories whose populations are seen as wards in need of external protection’.  The responsibility to protect seems to have become the right of bankers and NATO to punish. 

Action Point—a discussion on the Rule of Law is not taking place at the United Nations.  It is critical for citizens and governments to push back on the  NATOisation of governance and law including  its own interventionist rule of law interpretation –humanitarian intervention/right to protection--which it wishes codified in law and practice.  This is critical for the UN itself and the ideal it enshrines for peaceful and democratized global governance.   

CONCLUSION: THE EARTH IS TOO BIG TO FAIL

On one side, there are powerful corporate forces and political/military actors; on the other, societies and people who cannot be asked to simply be resilient and get on with survival or wait for the external military savior.  In the middle lays two other sets of forces: national governments and the United Nations.  Our strategy must visualize a democratic convergence of people, principally poor and women, with governments, principally of the poor countries, and the United Nations to meet the 21st century challenge.

If we are to move together globally, then a new national social compact are required between governments and people.  Only higher intensity democracies can close the global democratic governance gaps.  We in the South have our own epistemologies and historical capacity to think on our own two feet and develop our own theoretical and political paradigms, where the needs of the markets, and market-oriented States in the North and South take second place to the needs of communities. 


Universities and research/action centers such as Accord here have a particular responsibility.  During his recent visit to South Africa, Professor De Sousa Santos joined prominent national academics in stating the disciplines in the university must be humanised by bringing in African epistemologies: “Universities need to expand the knowledge systems that they consider to be valid in the curriculum and that are taught to their students.  Up until now the universities relied more on Western modern knowledge, usually scientific knowledge.” He said that the Western systems are indeed valid. “However, if I want go to the moon, I need scientific knowledge, but, if I want to defend the biodiversity of Africa, I need local knowledge systems.”

In contrast to an exhausted North Atlantic order, the Global South, in its immense diversity, presents itself today as a wide field of economic, social, cultural, and political innovation.  Our task is to open up more spaces for mutual recognition, intercultural understanding, political convergence, respect for identities and celebration of diversity.

The time is now—the financial collapse and its social repercussions have translated into unusual levels of awareness and even rebellion in countries of the North.  The question of wealth and power distribution and concentration are squarely on the agenda.  People are furious how the very wealthy, were able to benefit from a government insurance policy called "too big to fail."

Never before in history have the question of wealth and power distribution and concentration been so squarely on the agenda.  People are furious how the very wealthy, were able to benefit from a government insurance policy called "too big to fail" –shamefully,  banks and investment firms made ridiculously risky and illicit (but not technical) transactions, with rich rewards, and when the system inevitably crashes, they can run to the nanny state for a taxpayer bailout and a very visible handout, Milton Friedman notwithstanding. 


If law cannot comfort the afflicted, then it should at least afflict the comfortable.  What we’ve witnessed is the evolution of a law that protects the comfortable and their comforts, which is to say their power, against the powerless.   We are talking therefore of bringing justice back in, so as to reflect the feeling, once summed up in a mural during the Uruguayan military dictatorship: “they took away justice and they left us the law….”

Paradigm construction is a historical process. As the good Dr. Johnson used to say, "Men more frequently require to be reminded than informed."  And women, he could have added, will always be around to remind men what is it they really need to be informed about.

We need to be reminded of the faith of a universal human being named Steve Biko who once sad “A man without a positive history is like a car without an engine Biko said then and says today that the new paradigm has always been within us. It will not disappear on account of the imbalance of power, between North and South, between people and corporate power, between humanity and ecology.

Our History, the History of the South is Positive, lets turn this engine on and step on the accelerator in this historical quest for social justice, and/through  a new ecological compact with Nature.



But whoso looketh into the perfect law of liberty, and continueth therein, he being not a forgetful hearer, but a doer of the work, this man shall be blessed in his deed.


James 1:25












[1] guardian.co.uk, Monday 17 September 2012.
[2] http://daraint.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/CVM2-Low.pdf; http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/09/25/climate-inaction-idINDEE88O0HH20120925; http://www.forbes.com/sites/timworstall/2012/09/27/the-climate-vulnerable-forum-report-really-not-very-good-at-all/
[5] Four years ago today, President George W. Bush signed into law the biggest corporate rescue in American history. Even as U.S. unemployment has remained above 8 percent for 43 months, the country’s biggest banks are making almost as much as they ever have.The combined $63 billion in profit reported by the six largest U.S. lenders over the four quarters through June is more than they earned in any calendar year since the peak in 2006.Bank of America Corp. made more in the 12-month period than Walt Disney Co. and McDonald’s Corp. combined. Citigroup Inc. (C), which like Bank of America took $45 billion in taxpayer funds from the Troubled Asset Relief Program, earned more than Caterpillar Inc. (CAT) and Boeing Co. JPMorgan Chase & Co. (JPM), the largest U.S. bank by assets, had profits of more than $17 billion even after reporting a $5.8 billion trading loss.  No Joy on Wall Street as Biggest Banks Earn $63 Billion,By Max Abelson - Oct 3, 2012, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-10-03/no-joy-on-wall-street-as-biggest-banks-earn-63-billion.html

[6] Human Rights Watch, 2008;
[7]David Bilchitz, The Ruggie Framework: An Adequate Rubric for Corporate Human Rights Obligations?  Sur, International Journal on Human Rights,
http://www.surjournal.org/eng/conteudos/getArtigo12.php?artigo=12,artigo_10.htm
[8] In his recent book titled With Liberty and Justice for Some: How the Law is Used to Destroy Equality and Protect the Powerful, Glen Grenwald documented a two-tier system of justice in the US where political and financial elites are  vested with virtually absolute immunity from the rule of law even when they are caught committing egregious crimes, while ordinary Americans are subjected to the world’s largest and one of its harshest and most merciless penal states even for trivial offenses. As a result, law has been completely perverted from what it was intended to be – the guarantor of an equal playing field which would legitimize outcome inequalities – into its precise antithesis: a weapon used by the most powerful to protect their ill-gotten gains, strengthen their unearned prerogatives, and ensure ever-expanding opportunity inequality… The law itself wields tremendous power. The legal system’s reach is unparalleled: it can deprive a person of property, liberty, even life. It may compel people to transfer their material goods to others, block them from engaging in planned actions, destroy their reputations, consign them to cages, or even inject lethal chemicals into their veins. Unequal application of the law is thus not merely unjust in theory but devastating in practice.. When the law is wielded only against the powerless, it ceases to be a safeguard against injustice and becomes the primary tool of oppression.”

[9]http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/sociology/staff/emeritus/robertfine/home/teachingmaterial/humanrights/lecturepodcast/thompson_lecture.pdf
[10] Tom Egelhardt in http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175398
[11] http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/25/opinion/americas-shameful-human-rights-record.html?_r=0

Sunday, June 15, 2008

Banco Alba.Petrocaribe.Venezuela

“Financiamiento y endeudamiento alternativo: el Banco del Alba y Petrocaribe”

Intervención de Alejandro Bendaña, Coordinación Regional de Jubileo Sur, en el VII Encuentro Hemisférico de Lucha contra los Tratados de Libre Comercio y por la Integración de los Pueblos”, 9 de abril, la Habana, Cuba

Iniciamos rindiendo tributo a los héroes que cayeron y fueron asesinados, hace exactamente 50 años, durante la huelga general revolucionaria contra la tiranía batistiana.

Aquellas acciones del 9 de abril de 1958, como señalar Fidel, “no sólo constituyeron un ejemplo extraordinario de heroísmo, constituyeron también un ejemplo de cómo un pueblo revolucionario es capaz d recuperarse de cualquier revés”.
Hoy nos seguimos enfrentando la tiranía del neoliberalismo capitalista, que durante este último año ha golpeado nuevamente la dignidad económica de los pueblos pobres.
Nos referimos al trastorno que ha significado el incremento brutal de los precios del combustible—ocasionado fundamentalmente por la guerra injusta que Estados Unidos libra contra el pueblo de Iraq—

Ese embate es sentido a dos niveles
--a nivel de las condiciones de vida de los más pobres, alzas en transporte y en el costo de la vida, empobrecimiento de las ya pobres
--nuevos costos brutales que significa para los países no productores de petróleo en materia de balanzas de pago y presupuestos-
Pero junto a una nueva crisis cíclica del capitalismo, nacen instituciones y mecanismos alternos con objetivos ya no solo financieros sino fundamentalmente sociales, económicos y hasta políticas.

La Alternativa Bolivariana para las Américas nació como una consigna buscando como integrar a los pueblos y no solo los mercados, utilizando las políticas comerciales y de inversión, como medios y no como objetivos en si mismos. Forman parte del ALBA Cuba, Bolivia, Nicaragua y Venezuela, incorporándose la pequeña nación del Dominica a fines de 2007.

Y en estos días el ALBA asume forma concreta para establecer mecanismos de financiamiento de la factura petrolera principalmente pero para el desarrollo también. Nos referimos al Banco del Alba y a Petrocaribe

El Banco del Alba

El Banco del Alba ha sido creado e impulsado con una celeridad sin precedentes y hacia finales de abril del 2008 se contempla el lanzamiento de operaciones.
Esta nueva institución financiera internacional pretende beneficiar en su primera etapa a más de 53 millones de habitantes. «Este banco es un instrumento político, para el desarrollo social y económico de los pueblos del mundo», señaló el presidente Chávez. En diversas declaraciones de los gobiernos se ha destacado la importancia de
• Fortalecer la cooperación a partir, no de una premisa mercantil, sino una motivación social,
• Ser parte de la construcción constructores de un espacio geopolítico, social e ideológico
• Asumir, a diferencia del Banco del Sur, que cada nación con independencia de su aporte tenga el mismo derecho en la toma de decisiones”. Un país un voto en el Consejo de Ministros aunque estamos pendientes de cómo se integrara el Directorio Ejecutivo que es donde está el poder de decisión

Se estableció un capital autorizado de 2 mil millones de dólares y para inicios de abril se habría concluido una pre-selección de 18 a 20 que requieren entre 48 y 60 millones cada uno.

Los gobiernos han hecho lo suyo pero que nos toca a los pueblos defender nuestro proyecto. Para ellos es fundamental asegurar una participación en las deliberaciones y decisiones del banco.

Por un lado el Alba contempla, a la par de su Consejo de Ministros, un Consejo de Movimientos Sociales, para incidir sobre las políticas. No hay sin embargo claridad todavía con respecto a la relación del consejo y el banco. Pero esperamos que este hermoso reconocimiento revolucionario de la importancia de los movimientos sociales en América Latina y el Caribe tenga sea más que un reconocimiento protocolar, más que un simple mecanismo para la aprobación de proyectos y distribución de recursos, sino un mecanismo político con capacidad de incidencia política sobre los gobiernos.
Así mismo, nuestra organización, Jubileo Sur espera que la integración del Consejo refleje los principios de diversidad y autonomía (dentro del marco anti-neoliberal por supuesto) que caracterizan la dinámica de los movimientos sociales.

Tenemos que decir que no ha sido perfecto el proceso de incidencia, participación y consulta popular en la conformación de los instrumentos constitutivos y selección de prioridades y proyectos del Banco del Alba. Pero los espacios hay que conquistarlos y esto es vital. Nos queda a los Movimientos la experiencia un poco amarga del Banco del Sur y la enorme distancia entre la realidad de ese Banco y los planteamientos que hicieran en su momento Jubileo Sur y los movimientos sociales en el sentido que no queremos ni necesitamos otro banco capitalista impulsador de mega-proyectos.

Por eso opinamos que el único camino para el Banco del Alba es colocarse al servicio de un desarrollo soberano, solidario, sustentable y democrático. Y para lograr eso tendremos que desarrollar una presión constante y articulada para que los gobiernos incluyan los criterios y representantes de los movimientos sociales sin discriminación en el proceso organizativo y también en los sistemas decisorios del Banco del Alba

Petrocaribe

Petrocaribe viene a ser el mecanismo multilateral que busca articular, ante todeo, las políticas energéticas de la nación. Lo integran 14 países firmantes de convenios con el gobierno de Venezuela y/o PDVSA. Petrocaribe se concretiza con la celeridad revolucionaria que caracteriza el actuar del Presidente Chávez. Los países miembros en lo general adquieren petróleos y derivados de Venezuela con un 50% pagaderos en 90 días y el otro 50% a 25 años al 2% con 2 años de gracia. (en algunos convenios los términos varían ligeramente). De ese 50%, la mitad puede ser utilizada como un fondo para el desarrollo social y económico.

Forman parte de Petrocaribe: Cuba, Nicaragua, Honduras, República Dominicana, Haití, Antigua y Barbuda, Bahamas, Belice, Dominica, Granada, Guyana, Jamaica, San Cristóbal y Nevis, Santa Lucía, San Vicente y las granadinas y Surinam son signatarias del pacto Petrocaribe. Guatemala analiza la posibilidad de integrarse a la iniciativa energética impulsada por Venezuela, y ALBA-Petróleo existe como empresa con municipalidades en El Salvador permitiendo a los consumidores acceder al combustible a un precio más bajo que el ofrecido por las transnacionales.
Celebramos el advenimiento de Petrocaribe pero recordemos que el petróleo no es regalado, ni se compra a un precio reducido—se trata de una deuda para la adquisición de petróleo y derivado a precio del mercado. Pero es un endeudamiento como ningún otro en la historia, con términos impensables para las transnacionales del petróleo, pero deuda al fin y al cabo que, al tratarse de deuda pública, tiene que ser pagado por el pueblo.

De hecho, conforme datos presentados por el mismo presidente Chávez durante la apertura de la refinería de Cienfuegos en diciembre, actualmente hay una deuda de unos 1.000 millones de dólares y que alcanzará los 4.566 millones de dólares para el 2010.

Esta situación nos impone un reto como movimientos sociales y sociedad civil organizada:

En primer lugar asumir nuestra propia responsabilidad como deudores. Resulta un poco extraño para Jubileo Sur formule este postulado, en tanto hemos siempre pregonado la cancelación y el no pago de la deuda ilegitima externa.

Sin embargo esta deuda si es legítima, siempre y cuando se mantenga limpios y transparentes el uso de la misma. Los pueblos son custodios de esos recursos ofrecidos por el al pueblo y gobierno de Venezuela, y somos custodios de la obligación de asegurar el carácter legitimo de esa deuda. Dar uso legítimo a una deuda legitima.

Que significa esto?

Significa que podemos todos estar de acuerdo en el marco de principios, pero la experiencia del Banco del Sur nos enseña que debemos de estar encima de los procedimientos técnicos, la letra menuda, incluso la selección de proyectos.,

Significa formar parte del debate, para asegurar la ratificación de los convenios en términos transparentes y discutidos con pueblos y parlamentos.
En Nicaragua y Centroamérica debemos confesar que hay una gran resistencia al ALBA principalmente por parte de los que nunca se preocuparon del endeudamiento en el pasado con el fondo y las Instituciones financieras internacionales FIs, quebrando bancos e incrementando irresponsablemente la deuda interna. Ellos ahora se rasgan las vestiduras planteando que el país no debe endeudarse con Venezuela.
A pesar de derecha, en Honduras se logró la ratificación, jugando un papel importante el movimiento COPINH denunciando como las transnacionales y los grupos de poder estaba satanizando el convenio y haciendo gala de su poder en el congreso nacional.

En El Salvador, los Estados Unidos lanzaron una campaña acusando a Venezuela de apoyar al FMLN para las elecciones presidenciales del año entrante acusando a la empresa Alba Petroleo del aseguramiento de fondos. En Guatemala comienza el mismo debate con respecto a si adherirse a Petrocaribe.

A fin de no dar armas a EE.UU. a la derecha, y para no desvirtuar el objetivo social de los préstamos, es imprescindible que los gobiernos suscriptores de convenios de Petrocaribe actúen con plena transparencia, pleno respeto a legalidad institucional y clara canalización de los recursos liberados hacia objetivos sociales.:
• En Nicaragua hemos insistido con el gobierno que los convenios con Venezuela deben ser sometidos a aprobación en el presupuesto general y su uso fiscalizado.
• Insistimos que los fondos no se manejen discrecionalmente a fin de no desvirtuar el cometido social de los fondos. Y si, como dicen algunos, se trata de deuda privada comercial, esto debe aclararse.

• También el préstamo debe contemplar planes de ahorro energético, proyectos comunitarios de generación de energías limpias como solar, eólica, micro represas, las que deben de ser de propiedad pública o comunitaria y ejecutarse urgentemente un plan de electrificación rural y urbana que beneficie a los más marginados. Prestamos o aun donaciones para construir refinerías? Tenemos dudas.

Alba.Petrocaribe.Venezuela.Nicaragua.debt

Nicaragua’s Illegitimate Debt to Venezuela?

Ordinarily, the 14 countries that are member of Petrocaribe would have reason to be grateful to President Hugo Chavez. Under the terms of the oil delivery terms, Venezuela has agreed to supply 100% of the country’s oil needs at market rates: 50 % paid in 90 days, but the other 50% over 25 years at 2% with two years grace. What is more, that unpaid 50% of the sales revenue would remain in the country for bilaterally-supervised social and development projects. Certainly, these are terms that no country could have expected from the oil corporations, private or multilateral banks, or even traditional “donor” co-operation. From the Jubilee South perspective, it may be a case where the debt should be repaid as it seems legitimate and fair priced.

However, social movements and various organizations in Nicaragua are challenging the legitimacy of that debt incurred by the Ortega government. The principal argument invoked is that the use and channeling of the funds is far from being transparent or subject to accountability, let alone citizen participation in the decision of how the funds/debt can be used. The process itself in Nicaragua, although not in other recipient countries, is incredibly convoluted. Venezuela provides the oil directly to Nicaragua’s oil distributor PETRONIC which then resells the petroleum to private companies such as Esso. PETRONIC then transfers 100 % of its sales revenue to ALBANISA, which in turn transfers 50% of the money back to Venezuela as payment within 90 days, and then pays the other 50 percent over 23 years at 2% annual interest. Of the money paid up front, half goes to the ALBA social fund and another half into Albanisa coffers. Private economist Adolfo Acevedo calculates that in the past year ALBANISA has handled 800 million in oil business, meaning there should be 200 million salted away in company fund for social projects. Ortega, however, has mentioned that Venezuela aid to Nicaragua already totals 520 million. So needless to say the numbers have everyone confused—and concerned given that this amount is roughly the equivalent of all external western “aid” to Nicaragua, and over one third the amount of Nicaragua’s total exports.

Amidst all the money transfers the question is posed where the money really ends up, who it belongs to, and who owes what to whom. Of late, the government claims that it is not a public debt and hence does not have to be legally submitted to the Parliament, scrutinized or reported in its budget. If Albanisa is a semi-public enterprise, then its “private” debt would have to be assumed by the State in case of a default.

The IMF has, up to now, gone along with governmental reasoning. Even the US has been silent, considering perhaps a good example of “public-private” partnerships.
Independent civil society groups and the Jubilee coalition in Nicaragua, by contrast, are calling for a public auditing of the arrangements. While some groups are ideologically eager to lambast Chavez and the Venezuela connection, other groups demand that the ALBA cooperation scheme deserves support on account of the principles its support including that of stimulating development and cooperation alternatives to the Washington Consensus model. The fact that the President of Petronic, the Vice President of Albanisa and the Treasurer of the Sandinista governing party is the same person speaks volumes.

Insistence on transparency, accountability and public participation is also part of an alternative development and politics. Venezuela must clarify whether it is the purpose of the cooperation to allowing Ortega and his governing party to use the ALBA/Petrocaribe funds for patronage purposes and strengthening its own business enterprises. If that is the case, ALBA may still be considered a geopolitical proposition wishing to win over governments and parties to its side, but the ideological component will be placed in doubt—that is, providing a genuine alternative to the neoliberal formulas for enrichment while paying lip service to the impoverished.

After all the money transfers and sleight of hand there are many unanswered questions about where that money really ends up, who it belting to, and who owes what to whom. If this is not cleared up, then both the legality and the legitimacy of the debt will be in question.

Thursday, June 12, 2008

Fighting Corruption
Autor: Alejandro Bendaña
(Book, published May 2008)


The dominant definition of corruption – which then informs or misleads the ways to address corruption -- is much too narrow. The way most people view corruption is itself the result of the systemic abuse of economic power as it presents itself globally.
The book Fighting Corruption: A Non-Corporate Perspective presents a global justice perspective that puts corruption in the contemporary context of corporate globalization. Published by the Centro de Estudios Internacionales in cooperation with the International South Group Network and Jubilee South, the book aims to reach important constituencies outraged about corruption and to help channel that understanding into a broader movement that tackles corruption at the root and structural level, and not simply in a few corporate-friendly limited expressions.

The author, Alejandro Bendaña, presents a view in which corruption is a process facilitated by institutions and economic interests, and not simply single acts by single individuals chiefly in the South. With this in mind, he presents a broader and more contemporary understanding of corruption that can help people, victims in particular, account for many of the daily economic injustices suffered.
Alejandro Bendaña is Chair of the Centro de Estudios Internacionales in Managua, Nicaragua and a member of the International Coordinating Committees of Jubilee South and the International South Group Network.

Fighting Corruption: A Non-Corporate Perspective is now available. Please send us an email to cei@ibw.com.ni or info@ceinicaragua.org

PDF Only in English >> http://www.ceinicaragua.org/textos/pdfs_publicaciones/fighting_corruption.pdf