Thursday, January 31, 2008

Is There a South Perspective on Genocide?

  • IS THERE A SOUTH PERSPECTIVE ON GENOCIDE­?


    Remarks made at the Conference on Genocide, 16 November 2007, Voksenaasen, Oslo, Norway


    Alejandro Bendaña


    1 REMEMBRANCE—THE ROLE OF HISTORICAL MEMORY: TO SPEAK THE UNSPEAKABLE IN ORDER TO REMEMBER WHAT SHOULD BE THE UNFORGETTABLE

    Sabra and Shatila[1] · The Massacre

It happened 25 years ago—16 September 1982. A massacre so awful that people who know about it cannot forget it. Photos are gruesome reminders—charred, decapitated, violated corpses, .....For the victims and the handful of survivors, it as a 36 hour holocaust without mercy. It was deliberate, it was planed and it was overseen. But to this day, the killers have gone unpunished.


o These accounts need to be individually absorbed, lest they be lumped together as just the collective deal rather than the systematic torture and killing of individual, innocent human beings.

o The statistics of those killed vary, but even according to the Israeli military, the official count was 700 people killed while Israeli journalist, Amon Kapeliouk put the figure at 3,500. The Palestinian Red Crescent Society put the number killed at over 2,000. Regardless of the numbers, they would not and could not mitigate what are clear crimes against humanity

o 15 years later, Robert Fisk, the journalist who had been one of the first on the scene said: Had Palestinians massacred 2,000 Israelis 15 years ago, would anyone doubt the world’s press and television would be remembering so terrible a deed this morning? Yet this week, not a single newspaper in the US—or Britain for that matter—has even mentioned the anniversary of Sabra and Shatila.”

o There were Israeli inquiries, but as Chomsky pointed out, “the inquiry was not intended for people who have a prejudice in favour of truth and honesty”, but it gained support for Israel in the US Congress and among the public. It took an International Commission of Inquiry by Sean MacBride to find that Israel was “directly responsible” because the camps were under its jurisdiction as an occupying power. Yet, despite the N describing the heinous operation as a “criminal massacre” and declaring it an act of genocide, no one was prosecuted. (UNGA Resolution, December 16, 1982)

o When relatives of the victims and survivors filed suit against Sharon in Belgium in 2001, US interference led to the Belgian Parliament gutting the universal jurisdiction law and by the time the ICC was established in The Hague the following year, the perpetrators of the Sabra and Shatila massacre could no longer be tried because its terms of reference did not allow it to hear cases of war crimes against humanity or genocide pre-dating 1 July 2002. Neither Sharon nor those who carried out the massacres have ever been punished for their horrendous crimes

o The length of time since these acts carried out should be no impediment to exposing the truth. More than 60 years after the Nazi atrocities against the Jews in Europe, the world still mourns and remembers and erects monuments and museums to that violent holocaust. How they are done, to whom they are and to how many does not make the crimes any more or less heinous. They can never be justified even on the strength of one state’s rational that another people ought to be punished, or worse still, are simply inferior or worthless beings.....

o A Crime Against a People. The atrocities committed in the camps of Sabra and Shatila could be put in the context of an ongoing genocide against the Palestinian people. The MacBride report found that these atrocities “were not inconsistent with wider Israeli intentions to destroy Palestinian political will and cultural identity.” Since Deir Ysassin and the other massacres of 1948, those who survived have joined hundreds of thousands of Palestinians fleeing a litany of massacres committed in 1953, 1967 and the 1982 invasion of Lebanon, and the killing is still going on today.
o Thus were the victims and survivors of the Sabra and Shatila massacre gathered up in the perpetual nakba of the slaughtered, the dispossessed, the displaced and the discarded—a pattern of ethnic cleansing perpetrated under the Zionist plan to finally and forever extinguish Palestinian society and its people.
o This is why we must remember Sabra and Shatila, 25 years on.

Is it a question of numbers or awareness, of time that now, unlike yesterday, we have a heightened moral awareness?

2 IS THERE SOME SELECTIVITY AT WORK WHEN IT COMES TO REMEMBER AND LABELLING—JEWS YES, ARABS NO?

If that were true—then we would not have to the tell the tale of Two Genocides (Congo and Darfur)

o Possibly a quarter million people have lost their lives in Darfur. The US government screams its head off in denunciation of genocide. But in the case of the DRC, as many as 5 million have died since 1994 in overlapping convulsions of ethnic and state-sponsored massacres—and not a word of reproach from Washington. A human death toll that approaches the Nazi’s annihilation Jews in WW2, an ongoing holocaust without a whiff of complaint from the Superpower
o Why is mass death the cause of indignation and confrontation in Sudan, but exponentially more massive carnage in Congo unworthy of mention? The answer is simple: in Sudan, the US has a geopolitical nemesis to confront: Arabs, and their Chinese business partners. In the Congo, it is US allies and European and US corporate interests that benefit from the slaughter. Therefore, despite 5 million skeletons lying in the ground, there is no call to arms from the US government. It is they who set the genocidal Congolese machine in motion. (Kagame)

o Both holocausts are crimes against humanity, but only the smaller one, Darfur, is a fit subject for inclusion in the US political debate. During the June 3 CNN Democratic debate, moderator Wolf Blitzer demanded that the candidates raise their hands if they supported the imposition of a no-fly zone in Darfur—an act of war against the Khartoum government according to international law. Only Kucinich and former Senator Mike Gravel declined to endorse the violation of Sudanese sovereignty.
o The Congressional Black Caucus follows the same script. Lobby and demonstrate against the Sudanese regime, to the applause of the corporate press. But they never said a word, as a body, ab out the carnage in Congo. It is a taboo subject, to close to “Vital American interests”. But the Sudanese conflict is fair game.

o The preferred narrative of Darfur fits nicely with that of the Israel lobby in the US. Although all the antagonists are Black Africans and Muslims, the aggressors are classified as “Arabs”. A regional inter-African, inter-Muslim conflict is made to appear as part of the “clash of civilizations”.

o RACISM Darfut has been made into a stage-set of anti-Arab conflict, which perfectly suits the pro-Israel and right wing Christian lobbies in the US. Congo, where far more people have died, remains a gargantuan killing field, uncovered by the corporate media and ignored by the Congressional Black Caucus and the array of Democratic presidential candidates.


In his seminal article in the London Review of Books Mahmood Mamdami (The Politics of Naming”, London Review of Books, March 8, 2007) points out how many opinions on Darfur call for ‘force as a first-resort response’. ”What makes the situation even more puzzling is that some of those who are calling for an end to intervention in Iraq are demanding an intervention in Darfur. Journalist Bryan Hunt points to the duality between the US Pentagon’s recent instalation of a new unified to be established next year gainning accptance as a humnaitrian effort and not as part of the drive to contro African’s oil and extend the war on terror, as is actively being fought in Somali for example with operations carried over from US bases. At the same time, calls grow for humaintain iterention in Darfur. How coincidental that this lay open another possiblity for militar engagement to dielver regime chaning in antoher Islamic state rich in oil reserves.


Does the definition and practice of genocide depends on who is doing the killing—apparently.[2]



3 What About PREVENTION?-SOMALIA

Last week the SGUN, said that 1.5 milllion people were in dire need of assistance. The organization Human Human Rights Watch stated “the failure of the International Community to en the violence reflects a contempt for the value of Africa Life”. Is it racism? Or does it have more to do with the nature of the US relationship with the perpetrators.

4 WE MUST BE INFORMED

OGADEN
On October 3 of this year, Human Rights Watch presented testimony before the Foreign Affairs Committee of the US Congress. focus on the conduct of the Ethiopian military, not only because the Ethiopian government’s military forces have systematically committed atrocities and violated the basic laws of war, but because Ethiopia is a key ally and partner of the United States in the Horn of Africa. HRW stated that in the Ogaden “ we have documented massive crimes by the Ethiopian army, including civilians targeted intentionally; villages burned to the ground as part of a campaign of collective punishment; public executions meant to terrify onlooking villagers; rampant sexual violence used as a tool of warfare; thousands of arbitrary arrests and widespread and sometimes deadly torture and beatings in military custody; a humanitarian and trade blockade on the entire conflict area; and hundreds of thousands of people forced away from their homes and driven to hunger and malnutrition. The Ogaden is not Darfur. But the situation in Ogaden follows a frighteningly familiar pattern: a brutal counter insurgency operation with ethnic overtones in which government forces deliberately attacks civilians and displace large populations, coupled with severe restrictions on humanitarian assistance. Unlike in Darfur, however, the state that is perpetrating abuses against its people in Ogaden is a key US ally and recipient of seemingly unquestioning US military, political, and financial support. Furthermore the crisis in Ogaden is linked to a U.S.-supported military intervention by Ethiopia in Somalia that has been justified in terms of counter terrorism. Because the United States has until now supported Ethiopia so closely, there is a widespread and growing sentiment in the region that the United States also shares some of the blame for the Ethiopian military’s abusive conduct...


A crucial first step would be for the U.S. government to publicly acknowledge the depth of the suffering, especially in the Somali region of Ethiopia—and then, immediately, take concrete steps to alleviate that misery
... Our investigators on the ground have been able to substantiate many killings by the Ethiopian forces; the burning of villages; widespread sexual violence; the arbitrary detention and torture of thousands in military custody; denial of access to wells; confiscation of livestock and hostage-taking to compel families to turn in family members suspected of ONLF involvement... In less than three months, Ethiopia's military campaign has triggered a looming humanitarian crisis...

While the Ogaden is not Darfur yet, it is probably only a few months away from sliding over the edge into a full-blown humanitarian crisis of massive proportions...

The United States has significant leverage over Ethiopia in the form of foreign aid and political influence. It is viewed regionally as the Ethiopian government’s main backer and implicitly—if not directly—responsible for the Ethiopian government’s conduct. Therefore, US support for Ethiopia's abusive counter insurgency efforts in the Horn of Africa threatens to make the United States complicit in continuing laws of war violations by the Ethiopian government.[3]

5 WE MUST MAKE THE CONNECTIONS


None of this happens in isolation, but attention gets focused or deflected by others, who have the power to do so.

One can’t help but detect a pattern. If the killings take place in the South, or in a place the North does not have vital interests, then we speak of “form of culturally-generated mass violence, a “civil war”, “armed conflict” that takes place in the South, as opposed to more legally and morally stringent category of "genocide" that has taken place in the North?
And then when the label of genocide is used, we will have leaders of the South make enormous efforts to avoid intervention by avoiding the “G” word. The end result is that the term becomes a political football. Thus the former president of Nigeria Obasanjo to claim that genocide was not taking place in Darfur—it was rather conflict.

A South perspective therefore will insist, as Henning says, to “ include the political dimension of the subject as an integral part of the effort to come to terms with a massive challenge. Or as Mufani says, get into the “politics of naming”. And when you get into that politics, you will rapidly get inot the North South power relations.


6. THERE CAN BE NO IMPUNITY AND IT CANNOT BE ONLY THE NORTH THAT DOES THE JUDGING
The North not only assumes the right to name the genocide, to protect the victims, but also to act as judge and executioner.
The North may have its own standards and procedures, which they term universal, save for the fact that war criminals that occupied high position in the rich countries and their allies are somehow exempt from the militarist. Kissinger, De Klerk, Sharon, (Nobel Prizes). Milosevic aside. Or Gore.
I would ask the Chief Prosecutor about another double standard: A separate criteria if you are black or brown and they you must face white jurors and Northern countries because courts in the South cannot be trusted? For example, the Rwandan government has issued formal and informal requests to several governments -- including the UK, the Netherlands, Canada, France and Finland -- for the extradition of several individuals accused of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity in Rwanda during the 1994 genocide. In June 2007, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) filed a request to transfer its first case to the Rwandan courts. However, Amnesty International urged the ICTR not to transfer any of its cases to Rwanda ”until the Rwandan government can demonstrate that it can and will conduct trials fairly and impartially”. Rwandan communities have mechanisms for reconciliation and justice, not perfect, but they demand respect.
Does the North have a monopoly on the theory and practice of what is fair and impartial? Indigenous leader Peletier, two decades. The point here is not to quibble legal procedures but rather a point of principle which the importance that our own countries in the South, our own national courts, in this case Rwandan, take responsibility for investigating and prosecuting persons accused of the heinous crimes that were committed in its own territory. Of course, there will be problems and limitations—but there should be no compromise on the principle, including the principle of respecting the rights of the victims. In Uganda you have the ICC demanding extradictions of leaders of the LRA for prosecution, but religious leaders from Uganda and others feel that if mcuhanisms on the national and local level for justice are there and willing to address issues of impunity, then what is the role for an ICC? Gets in the way of peace negotiations.
We know there are problems in the whole system of criminal prosecurtion (what country does not have them), yet we are also witnessing how those shortcomings are actually utilized by the United States for purposes of so-called extraordinary renditions—that is, transferring prisoners to compliant neo-colonial countries so that torture and other inhuman, degrading and cruel treatment can be applied. So if its for purposes on the war on terror, extradition is fine and the worse the prevailing practices, the more welcome they are. So the less developed our national justice systems, the better for purposes of the WOT—we deal with ”their” criminalized and they deal with our criminals? Some justice. Is it a case of ”justice”—as with ’good governance’ or ’corruption’—yardsticks applied only to Africa and the Suth. Should we award prizes , as wht Mo Ibriahim Prize, for ’good justice’ in Africa?

7. IF THE GREATEST CRIME IN HISTORY IS NOT GENOCIDE, THEN I DO NOT KNOW WHAT IS. (GOOD INTENTIONS ARE BESIDE THE POINT)

Fashionable now in some quarters to apologize.

Somehow if the intentions were “good”, then what resulted was a historical injustice, not a historical crime, not a crime against humanity, not genocide. Huge difference, because the criminals get off scot free, historically and in terms of prosecution. Because it was all done in the name of progress, civility and civilization. It was the white man’s burder, mision civilizatrize, manifest destiny. And it is in this way that the greatest crime ever committed against a peoples goes not simply unpunished but often unrecognized.
I am talking about the crime of colonial expansion and colonialism.

The crimes against those on the receiving end of the ‘civilising’ expansion of capitalism beginning with the so-called “age of discovery”. Something with us today. Even Marx felt that capitalist expansion could be cruel but it was progressive, as revealed in the first section of the Communist Manifesto.

Yet for the discovered, for the objects of civilisation, the expansion of capitalism amounted to genocide that took the form of disease, the theft of land and other resources, the destruction of language and culture, and either forced labour or outright slavery. Anthropologist Darcy Ribeiro calculates that at the end of the 15th century, when the first Spanish conquerors arrived in the Americas there were approximately 70 million indigenous inhabitants. 150 years later, he states, there were only 3.5 milllion left, left in indigence and deprived of the land that had belonged to them for century because it now all belonged to the King. So to solve the problem, the slave trade began taking the genocide to the shores of Africa.
This is what we call “the indigenous genocide” because the Europeean conquerors implements a series of practices that had the result of virtually exterminating the population, enforcing inhuman work practices that led to mass suicides in communities when they say that their future was misery and slavery. Disease also took its tool. Working to produce the tons of gold and silver that underwrote the expansion of commerce in the North Europe and the Industrial Revolution.

And then the unspeakable crime of slavery and the holocaust that it produced, and yet at the last Conference on Racism, the Northern countries objected strongly to formally apologizing and recognizing the crime.

8. GENOCIDES ARE NOT AN EVENT THEY ARE ALSO A PROCESS

the Killing and dispossession continues. To this day white people from Canada down to Argentina and Chile continue to confiscate indiengous land, while the communities suffer from leal limbo, as their land is not recognized by much of Western Law. The same with the descendants of the slaves in the Americas.

Look at the situations of the indigenous communities today (and the rebellions including the electoral rebellion that today more than 500 years after the conquest has produced the first indigenous social leader to become President in Bolivia). But otherwise it is the same pattern of racism and contempt that prevails today. Second and third class citizens, “indios”.
As Eduardo Galeano says, indigenous populations that do not have a language, but rather a dialece, that to not produce art but rather handicrafts, that to not practice a culture but rather folklore.
Pope and King. And there were and are priests who insist that that Christinaity meant accompanying the indigenous peoples in t true eir struggles to conserve their spiritual and cultural identity, and to regain their land and resources stolen by the new landed elite and by huge corporations. This is a struggle that continues since governments and corporations seem bent on finishing the job of genocide begun by the first European conquerors 500 years ago.[4]

The other day, Brown said, "The days of Britain having to apologize for the British Empire are over. We should celebrate." Like Blair, like Clinton, like Bush, Brown believes in the liberal truth that the battle for history has been won; that the millions who died in British-imposed famines in British imperial India will be forgotten—like the millions who have died in the American Empire will be forgotten. And like Blair, his successor is confident that professional journalism is on his side.. This may very well be the most powerful and dangerous ideology we have ever known because it is open-ended. This is liberalism—liberal imperialist genocide.

9. JOURNALISM SHARES THE RESPONSIBLITY FOR WHAT HAS HAPPENED AND FOR WHAT CONTINUES TO HAPPEN—INCLUDING THE DEPOLITIZATION OF GENOCIDE AND VIOLENCE

Mamdami poses a critical question: ”What would happen if we thought of Darfur as we do of Iraq, as a place with a history and politics – a messy politics of insurgency and counter-insurgency? Why should an intervention in Darfur not turn out to be a trigger that escalates rather than reduces the level of violence as intervention in Iraq has done? Why might it not create the actual possibility of genocide, not just rhetorically but in reality? Morally, there is no doubt about the horrific nature of the violence against civilians in Darfur. The ambiguity lies in the politics of the violence, whose sources include both a state-connected counter-insurgency and an organised insurgency, very much like the violence in Iraq.”

That is a line of thinking you will not see in the mainstream press. It is too subversive—what is worse, the media is heavily responsible for the confused thinking. Because you can’t really accuse journalists of begin disinformed—it may be more to do with corporate power and the old saying that it is difficult to understand a problem if your salary depends on not understanding it.

Australian journalist and filmaker John Pilerger reminds us that ”Journalism gives us a simple moral world, where a group of perpetrators face a group of victims, but where neither history nor motivation is thinkable because both are outside history and context.

Even when newspapers highlight violence as a social phenomenon, they fail to understand the forces that shape the agency of the perpetrator. Instead, they look for a clear and uncomplicated moral that describes the victim as untainted and the perpetrator as simply evil. Where yesterday’s victims are today’s perpetrators, where victims have turned perpetrators, this attempt to find an African replay of the Holocaust not only does not work but also has perverse consequences. Whatever its analytical weaknesses, the depoliticisation of violence has given its proponents distinct political advantages.”

One of the oldest clichés of war is that truth is the first casualty. No it's not, says Pilger: Journalism is the first casualty. In Iraq the Pentagon invented the embedded journalist because it believed that critical reporting had lost Vietnam. (Pilger). This is what Saul Landau calls the “ the mind-altering glue inherent in imperial memory”.


We choose not to speak the unspeakable. It never happened! Harold Pinter's subversive truth, I believe, was that he made the connection between imperialism and fascism, and described a battle for history that's almost never reported. This is the great silence of the media age.
.
Like the scale of civilian casualties in Afghanistan. The enduring tragedy of Palestine is due in great part to the silence and compliance of the so-called liberal left. Hamas is described repeatedly as sworn to the destruction of Israel. The New York Times, the Associated Press, the Boston Globe—take your pick. They all use this line as a standard disclaimer, and it is false. That Hamas has called for a ten-year ceasefire is almost never reported. Even more important, that Hamas has undergone an historic ideological shift in the last few years, which amounts to a recognition of what it calls the reality of Israel, is virtually unknown; and that Israel is sworn to the destruction of Palestine is unspeakable.


And that's what's happening in Iraq. The bombing has doubled since last year, and this is not being reported. And who began this bombing? Bill Clinton began it.(With the knowledge and approval of the latest Nobel Peace Laureate) During the 1990s Clinton rained bombs on Iraq in what were euphemistically called the "no fly zones." At the same time he imposed a medieval siege called economic sanctions, killing as I've mentioned, perhaps a million people, including a documented 500,000 children. Almost none of this carnage was reported in the so-called mainstream media, says John Pilger, in “Freedom next time”.[i]

What happens when aggression takes place against an entire nation. How much to you read in the press about the economic sanctions imposed on that country for decades by the United States. The Cuban government for example speaks of the genocidal embargo placed on their economy by the US which affects the entire population—genocide as a form of economic war or blockade.

10. LET US ALSO SPEAK ABOUT STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE OF COLONIALIST NEOLIBERAL PRACTICES

A people’s South perspective on genocide would look at the mass death and destruction that takes place on a day to day basis as a product of the global power order. For example, payment of debt and th debt relation, as managed by the IMF and the World Bank, and the imposition of constraints on state-led autonomous economic development paths under the coercion of WTO regulations (so-called investor rights, intellectual property, and other inside-the-border rules) have served as key tools leveraging imperialist control and extraction of surplus from the Global South—modern day slavery and exploitation, but also genocide where it takes the form of infant mortality rates and deaths occasioned by preventable disease..

That violence is being supported by every major Northern donor agency, with your tax money !
Global neoliberalism as an instrument of imperialist domination forces privatization of public goods and basic services, turning them over usually at bargain prices to capitalists, often to foreign investors from the core countries. Core governments push such policies as liberalization, opening local markets to transnational capital, lower taxes on capital, and a smaller role of government through deregulation of markets and reductions in the social wage. Thus peripheral states have been reorganized in form and function by the global economic governance institutions to maximally extract locally produced surplus and allow its appropriation by foreign capital and its local collaborators.
Imperialism, by its very nature, is genocidal. It is not simply a Clinton or A Bush. the expansion of U.S. power through the creation and modification of trade and investment relations on a global terrain. We are reminded by today’s events that imperialism is above all about defending and expanding global control. This involves two tactical avenues: military force and political governance. The two go together although not always in overt ways.
11. If we speak of genocide, of crimes against humanities, one must speak of its victimes and of their right to reparations.
If slavery was a form of genocide, then should not the descendants of those that benefitted from that awful business compensate the descendants of those slaves? Manning Marable, a US black scholar, looked at this issue and found that In the US When asked whether "corporations that made profits from slavery should apologize to black Americans who are descendants of slaves," 68 percent of African Americans responded affirmatively, with 23 percent opposed, while 62 percent of all whites rejected the call for an apology, with only 34 percent supporting it. On the question of financial compensation, however, whites closed ranks around their racial privileges. When asked whether corporations benefiting from slave exploitation should "make cash payments to black Americans who are the descendants of slaves," 84 percent of all whites responded negatively, with only 11 percent supporting payments. A clear majority of African Americans polled, by contrast, endorsed corporate restitution payments, by a 57 to 35 percent margin, with 8 percent expressing no opinion. ….. America's version of legal apartheid created the conditions of white privilege and black subordination that we see all around us every day. A debt is owed, and it must be paid in full”, says Manning Marable.[ii][5]
Genocide like racism is also a structural issue.—it may be more grounded in institutional processes rather than by individuals' behavior. Marable explains that “Racial prejudice is reproduced by America's basic institutions-economic, educational, social, and political-of our society. The racial myths of white history are used to rationalize, explain away, and justify white supremacy and black inequality. What reparations does is to force whites to acknowledge the brutal reality of our common history, something white society generally has refused to do. It provides a historically-grounded explanation for the continuing burden of racial oppression: the unequal distribution of economic resources, land, and access to opportunities for social development, which was sanctioned by the federal government.
Manning adds that, Consequently, it is that same government that bears the responsibility of compensating those citizens and their descendants to whom constitutional rights were denied. Affirmative action was essentially "paycheck equality," in the words of political scientist Ronald Walters; it created millions of job opportunities, bud did relatively little to transfer wealth from one racial group to another
One-third of all African-American households today has a negative net wealth. The average black household's wealth is less than 15 percent of the typical white household's. Most of our people are trapped in an almost bottomless economic pit from which there will be no escape-unless we change our political demands and strategy from liberal integrationism to a restructuring of economic resources, and the elimination of structural deficits that separate blacks and whites into unequal racial universes.
Introducing the Reparations component in our deliberations is fundamental. As Manning argues, "Reparations" transforms the dynamics of the national racial discourse, moving from "handouts" to "paybacks." It parallels a global movement by people of African descent and other Third World people to renegotiate debt and to demand compensation for slavery, colonialism, and apartheid… the greatest challenge in the national debate over African-American reparations is in convincing black people, not whites, that we can actually win. The greatest struggle of the oppressed is always against their own weaknesses, doubts, and fears. The reparations demand is most liberating because it has the potential for transforming how black people see themselves, and our own history.”

CONCLUSION

In his acceptance of the Nobel Prize for Literature, the playwright Harold Pinter made an epoch speech. He asked why, and I quote him, "The systematic brutality, the widespread atrocities, the ruthless suppression of independent thought in Stalinist Russia were well know in the West, while American state crimes were merely superficially recorded, left alone, documented." And yet across the world the extinction and suffering of countless human beings could be attributed to rampant American power. "But," said Pinter, "You wouldn't know it. It never happened. Nothing ever happened. Even while it was happening it wasn't happening. It didn't matter. It was of no interest." Pinter's words were more than the surreal. The BBC ignored the speech of Britain's most famous dramatist.

In conclusion, it is unfortunate that there we feel necessary to introduce a South perspective in contraposition to North perspectives. What we need to work for is a universal conception and action plan.

As specialists we need to take heed of what Richard Falk reminds of the responsiblity of the public intelectual or of or what Hanah Arendt termed intelectual in dark times-- public intellectual is morally and politically motivated to speak out on particular topics, more as a citizen than as a scholar or a teacher.

If Genocide is a term that confuses people that keeps them from liberating themselves, then it must be targeted. "That great whistleblower Tom Paine warned that if the majority of the people were denied the truth and the ideas of truth, it was time to storm what he called the Bastille of words. That time is now."

And to carry out that task in this day and age, what is most needed is the real information, the subversive information, empowering as it is, which of course we do not get from most of the journalists and academies. Only politicians and media owners like to believe that the media speaks for the public. As Pilger states, But they need truth, and journalists , social scientists ought to be agents of truth, not the courtiers of power.

In closing a plea for action, for prevention

One year from now we do not want to meet to discuss how a genocide in Iran could have been prevented. Today we are we are faced with clear US preparations to carry out what could be another genocide in Iran. If Iran is attacked, the reaction and the upheaval cannot be predicted. The national security and homeland security presidential directive gives Bush power over all facets of government in an emergency.


FINALLY, LET ME END ON A SAD NOTE AFFECTING MY OWN COUNTRY. 4 DAYS AGO THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY APPROVED A NEW CRIMINAL CODE THAT MAKES IT A CRIME FOR ANY WOMAN TO INTERRUPT HER PREGNANCY FOR THEREAPUTIC REASONS INCLUDING DANGER TO THE MOTHER’S OWN LIFE. ALL THE MORE TRAGIC, BECAUSE THE MAJORITY GOVERNING PARTY, THE SANDINISTA FRONT, VOTED OVERWHELMINGLY IN FAVOR OF THE MEASURE, ON ACCOUNT OF ITS ALLIANCE WITH THE CATHOLIC CHURCH HIARCHY. NICARAGUA BECAME THE SIXTH COUNTRY IN THE WORLD TO BAN ALL FORMS OF ABORTION, AFTER THE VATICAN, MALTA, EL SALVADOR, HONDURAS AND CHILE. POOR WOMEN IN NICARAGUA ARE BEING CONDEMNED TO DEATH, BECAUSE THE RICH ONES CAN SEEK A LIFE-SAVING ABORTION, OR ANY ABORTION, OUTSIDE THE COUNTRY.

THIS TARGETTED VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN, THIS GENOCIDE, CAN BE PREVENTED, IF PEOPLE AND ORGANIZATIONS ACT AND STAND WITH THE WOMEN OF NICARAGUA.

YESTERDAY PRESIDENT KAUNDA REMINDED US WHERE WE ALL CAME FROM. THAT COMMON MOTHERLAND IS BEING TARGETTED. LET US DEFEND OUR MOTHERS, OUR DAUGHTERS AND OUR SISTERS. THEY/YOU ARE THE BEST OF WHAT WE ARE AND WHAT WE CAN BE.



[1] Sonja Karkar, “Sabra and Shatila: On Massacres, Atrocities and Holocausts”, JUST Commentary, Vol. 7., No 10, (October, 2007). Sonja is the president of Women for Palestine.
[2] Glenn Ford, “A Tale of Two Genocides, Congo and Darfur”, Black Agenda Report, 18 July, 2007. Ford is the editor of Black Agenda Report.
[3] The House Committee on Foreign Affairs "The Human Rights and Humanitarian Situation in the Horn of Africa", Submission by Human Rights Watch, October 3, 2007. http://hrw.org/english/docs/2007/10/03/ethiop17010.htm

[4] Daniel E. Benadava, “Mas de 500 anos de ‘Genocidio Indigena’ en America, ADITAL, 13/07/07
[5]
[i] ”Freedom Next Time: Filmmaker & Journalist John Pilger on Propaganda, the Press, Censorship and Resisting the American Empire”, Tuesday, August 7th, 2007. www.democracynow.org
[ii] Manning Marable, In Defense of Black Reparations, ZNet, October 30, 2002.

The White Man’s Burden Today

The White Man’s Burden Today: Good Governance and Corruption


The presentation of White Man’s Burden and the figure of Oystein Tveter along with the presence of such a distinguished audience honors and symbolizes two key propositions that Oystein and his associates at Networkers, John Jones, and at the Karibu Foundation, Eilert Rostrup and Cecilia Neustadt enshrine.

The first is the upholding right of the people from the South to speak directly, truth to power. This may sound radical, in fact it is radical, but it should not be. Particularly among so many of us --because the first duty of concerned citizens, and intellectuals in particular, is to defend unequivocally the rights of everyone to develop and to express ideas. An essentially liberal democratic proposition, the proposition of a democratic process. The right to say something different.

The second has more to do with content, and the contribution of content of those ideas to global democracy and particularly justice. The ideas in themselves may be thought radical , coming from the global South, many from the left, voices of people deeply engaged in the democratic struggle. And if those ideas are not engaged, what will suffer it democracy itself. When you begin to destroy such thoughts, you undermine your own capacity to think, and your own potential contribution to global justice.


Now until last month, as I began thinking about the topic, I thought it would be difficult to explain the idea why many of us in the South have been denied that right to think alternatively, to contest the standard assumption that the North, in spasms of compassion, can somehow speak for the South, indeed that it is its moral duty or burden to do so. How was I going to convince you to explain that the anti-intellectual, racist, imperialist, missionary, interventionist, patronizing and contemptuous notion and practice of the White Man’s Burden is still alive and well in the 21st century?

Fortunately, last month I had a great deal of assistance in what appeared to be a hopeless proposition. None other than Pope Ratzinger came to my support Pope Benedict XVI told Latin American bishops in Brazil that American Indians had been "silently longing" to become Christians 500 years ago. There is outrage among indigenous people across the continent reacted angrily to Pope Benedict's comments that their predecessors had willingly converted to Christianity. How can history be ignored in such a way, including the writings of Bishop Bartolome de las Casas who witnessed and condemned the barbarity. One Amazon Indian leader said the Pope's remarks had been arrogant and disrespectful. The comments had even been criticised by the Catholic Church's Indian advocacy group in Brazil, which described the Pope's statement as wrong and indefensible. Recalling that John Paul II had censured the conquest.[1] Maybe the new Pope was inspired by Kipling?

It is important to recall that when Rudyard Kipling wrote his famous poem it was meant as about the “responsibilities of empire” that was directed not at London but at Washington and its new-found imperial responsibilities in the Philippines. By the way, U.S. troops at war with the Filipinos boasted in a popular marching song that they would “civilize them with the Krag” (referring to the Norwegian-designed gun with which the U.S. forces were outfitted).

Now unlike the Pope, President Bush probably has never heard of Kipling but the sense of duty is the same when it comes to Iraq.[2]

……

Colonized people, still feel the wounds of history, colonialism, including massacres and genocides. Yet the descendants of the colonizers prefer to ignore (and hence repeat). What changes are the names : Crusades, evangelization, British white man’s burden, US manifest destiny, (manifested only to themselves), French mision civilisatrize (western civilization, what a wonderful idea, said Gandhi) in the 19th century, commonwealth and free trade, (where the wealth is far from common and trade far from fair), humanitarian intervention, (a new mission for the military), development assistance by donors (who in fact are more lenders or creditors than donors). This helps understand why one of the first steps taken by the new government of Evo Morales in Bolivia was to reconsider what the “donors” were doing, saying we have had more than 500 years of such assistance that did little or nothing for the indigenous majority.

Many people would assume that the purpose of this book centers on the so-called “third world” but that is not the case. As Susan George has pointed out, “it is much easier to study the poor who cannot protect themselves from scrutiny and have little choice in the matter. Conversely, the richer and more powerful a government, an institution or a social class is, the greater will be its capacity to avoid being analyzed and to hide information it does not want to be made public or discussed. Along with secrecy and opacity comes a similar ability to deceive, to use lies and to manufacture ideology masquerading as truth”. This is the great trap of the White Man’s Burden to push us to look at the “burden”, the South, and not on the White Man. The book is more about the North than the South. It is about what the neoconservatives today refer to as regime change.

And therefore it is also about the history of the North in the South, including the ideological concoctions that accompanied that history of Western and then Northern economic global domination. William Tabb explains how “Trade was rarely initiated, as the economists’ model would have it, out of free consent for mutual advantage between core and periphery. In the early stages of imperialism—of plunder and piracy—this was self-evident and overseas expansion required a very different rationale”.

An effort was necessary at the level of ideological reformation to appeal to idealism and declare a very different logic for capitalism. Such a view involved appeals to the white man’s burden and the mission to civilize the savages, which are consonant with contemporary claims to be spreading democracy. Such justifications seemed reasonable to the extent the citizens of the imperialist power accepted a nationalism that flattered them as the leaders of humankind with the responsibility to help those who sit in darkness, as Mark Twain sarcastically put it.
Today Economists play the role of priests that accompany the neoliberal conquistadores, preaching the virtues and universal benefits of free trade, the “internationalist’s” manifest destiny,” and the idealists the generous impulse of spreading their near perfect social and political arrangements to the rest of the world”—economic expansion and the military conquest for the good of others”.[3] But imperialist then, and still imperialist today.
That history is not unkown of course to responsible and responsive scholar/activists in the North, such as John Jones or Susan George. In their work they have documented how, under the name of “structural adjustment”, the World Bank and the IMF have been imposing the economic governance model for a generation in nearly 100 countries. If we measure their success or failure using human criteria--nutrition, school enrolments, employment and so on--the results have been disastrous. We have nearly thirty years worth of statistics and case studies showing that neo-liberal models lead to greater inequality and lower growth. We know that “IMF riots” as they are known locally, have taken place in dozens of countries, causing death and destruction because people protest against the damage done to their livelihoods. Does the available evidence then cause the economists to change their doctrine? No: the response is invariably that failures are the government’s fault, the product of bad governance and local corruption, not that of the policy designers. The country has simply not practiced structural adjustment policies and good governance long enough or hard enough.[4]

Minds in the South are also subject to conquest. Stephen Biko once said that the greatest weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed. Cultural imperialism shows that imperialism doesn't work alone. When a power or a conquering force goes into an area, it then brings in its own holy men and its own standards and its own cultural styles in life to impose on the people, to the extent that it serves the colonizing power. And behind cultural imperialism is ethnocentrism, the presumption that we are, after all, a superior culture to you, and so we’ll come in and we’ll show you how you really should be living. We hear some of this in the present Iraq war. There's a presumption that this 5,000-year-old civilization, the one that invented writing and all sorts of other things, needs the guidance of the Bush White House in learning what democracy is about.

Iraq is the worse example, the most blatant of the white man’s burden but there are more subtle flagships heard about are good governance and anti-corruption. This is the newest version of the old two-fold rationalization for the way in which global wealth gets distributed, the rich getting richer and the poor poorer on the one hand, and on the other the imperative of denying that reality saying that if only “those people” adopt such and such recipes, then development and economic growth will bring wealth and happiness to the poorer countries… And as has been the case throughout history there will be those in our own countries that defend and profit from the civilizing notion. It continues to be a religion, only now the religion takes the form of the neoliberal capitalist economics—and it is equally fundamentalist.

The small problem however is that the model does not work. Maybe just as well because if it did we would be envisioning the globalization of the consumer model that is already killing the earth. But it is difficult for the doctor –in this case the Minister of Health is the World Bank where the so called donors deposit their money and any pretense of creativity—to admit that the disease has anything to do with the recipes. Far from it, it is those people and governments of the South that refuse to take the medicine seriously. So the people that brought you the problems now appear on the scene with manuals to fix the problem. If structural adjustment and free market have failed, look not to the interventionist model, but to the need to undertake even further intervention, this time on the side of political policy, which goes by the name of good governance—as the Bank and donors put it: “getting the national institutions rights”, under the guidance of the Bank of course, to make the country even friendlier to investment capital.

Then comes the second mantra which again tends to blame the victim for the crime. The trouble with those people is that their leaders, their cultures, their race is corrupt. And it is their corruption which keeps them poor and incapable of development. So never mind history, the net flows of resources from South to North, the decimation of the indigenous peoples of the so-called Americas, the slave trade, the plunder at the hands of European monarchs that are replaced by transnational corporations. Changing theory reflect changing tactics. So now we learn that it is the “the rent seeking, corrupt, and heavy-handed local rulers were now seen as extortionists. In the new stage of globalized neoliberalism they were a handicap to foreign investors who wanted to avoid paying tribute for licenses. So transnational capital demanded a local state that would protect property rights as defined by foreign firms”.[5] That is what good governance is all about and why the World Bank is the purported expert on this issue, Wolfowitz notwithstanding.

So the modern white man’s burden is to go forth and help the natives and savages from killing each other and impoverishing their own peoples.

What is purposedly ignored here, by both Northern and Southern elites, is that the histories of the South have multiple examples of struggles for democracy, which means independence, and includes of course striking against corrupt and malgoverning elites. If one looks at the attainment of national independence in Africa, the talk of the diplomatic circles was that the venal elites were really incapable of ruling themselves. But that was not true, what was inherited in most cases was a colonial state, a colonized nation, where corruption and bad governance were at the heart of the colonialism. The flags might have changed as did the color of the people in formal power, but the essence of the economic systems, now denominated globalization, remains.

For example, How easy and self serving to blame the situation in Zimbabwe on corruption and malgovernance, as the West is prone to do. Why not listen instead to the March 30 Pastoral letter of the Catholic bishops of Zimbabwe, : “The present crisis in our country has its roots deep in colonial society. Despite the rhetoric of a glorious socialist revolution brought about by the armed struggle, the colonial structures and institutions of pre-independent Zimbabwe continue to persist in our society. None of the unjust and oppressive security laws of the Rhodesian State have been repealed; in fact, they have been reinforced by even more repressive legislation, the Public Order and Security Act and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act, in particular. It almost appears as though someone sat down with the Declaration of Human Rights and deliberately scrubbed out each in turn Why was this done? Because soon after Independence, the power and wealth of the tiny white Rhodesian elite was appropriated by an equally exclusive black elite, some of whom have governed the country for the past 27 years through political patronage. Black Zimbabweans today fight for the same basic rights they fought for during the liberation struggle”.[6]

Mukoma Ngogi explains the false moral compulsion behind the white man’s burden, reminding us that Africans does not need Western philantropy In addition to providing the raw materials, labor and markets for finished products, Africa also cleanses the consciousness of Africanist scholars, evangelists and missionaries, the rock and roll musicians who want to save Africa through orphan adoption, and philantropists with Mother Teresa complexes. But at the top of the pack—Western politicians—Occupy Iraq and Afghanistan, but don’t forget to rescue the African from the clutches of the war lords, [janjaweed,] poverty, corruption and disease. Africa has become the continent where the guilt-ridden come to score quick moral points. And we let them”.[7]

From colonialism to neocolonialism—progress some would say, but if one witnesses the dimensions by which resource extraction has grown, along with marginalization and exclusion of people, and add to that the hypocrisy of benevolent intentions, then things are getting worse not better.

Why can’t the develop world simply admit that it pursues its own national corporate interests, and seeks to structure the world in its own image? That, as in the conquest of the Americas, that ideology or religion marched in with the armies. That privatization by and for the powerful, the theft of the commons, began centuries ago. Jesus was from the South and had a powerful message of liberation, but he too was privatized and given a skin change, becoming Roman, or German, or English, or North American, is now being presented to us once again, robbing people of what is most precious, the cultural right to believe and shape their faith.

Many of you know the story told by Archbishop Tutu of how when the white man…. A new bible is now being sold to us, but hopefully the story will not repeat itself, this time not only with land, but with public enterprises, water, the commons….

Ngogi adds that our own elites share the blame because they have been conditioned to requesting the white man to intervene. “We have reached a dangerous psychological state and internalized beggar mentality to a point where we see Western aid of part and parcel of our national budgets. Our elite leaders, just like Bush and Blair, find more value in white skin than in black skin, more value in white lives than in black lives, and have more faith in Western solutions than in Pan African solutions”.[8]





The tide may be turning. No doubt that behind the white man’s burden stood the white man’s power and capital. Developing nations until recently, bled by the external debt, had to seek capital from the North and adopts, or at least pay lip service, to the recipe book. As globalized resistance to neo-liberalism continued to grow in the past decade, social movements and civil society started to discover the region as an arena of struggle and as a staging point for alternatives.

Latin America is unrecognisable: individual countries and the region as a whole are adopting more autonomous positions vis-à-vis the dominant powers and, in some cases, defying dominant economic thinking. The political landscape is a mix of overtly anti-imperialist governments, such as Venezuela, Cuba, Bolivia and Ecuador, and centre-left governments with a nationalist orientation such as Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina. Pro-US and pro neo-liberal governments are now a minority, not least because of the extraordinary rise of radical social movements demanding a change from the devastating neo-liberal policies of the past two decades.

There is a new horizon represented by the Bolivarian Alternative of the Americas, the South American Community of Nations, the plans to set up a Bank of the South before the end of the year, new intra Latin American and Caribbean cooperation contents and process, funded chiefly by Venezuela. The entire rules of the game are changing, as 5 Lat Am countries have paid their debts with the IMF, putting it into crisis, and many no longer feel automatically obliged to run their economies by the rules set out by the World Bank, the WTO and the so called international development community.


Increasingly, calls for reclaiming the region to advance genuine people’s cooperation have been made. The convening of people’s summits to parallel official meetings of regional associations and to provide a venue for movements to discuss issues of regional import is widely practiced. It hopes to facilitate the building of alternatives through South-South, intra-regional and inter-regional solidarity between peoples organizations, as well as relations with and between their governments, and to pose counter-challenges to effect fundamental changes in the currently dominant global economic system and build people’s alternatives. The People’s Dialogue links initially social movements and civil society groups from the South, the tricontinental or the old Third World. We are dedicated, in the ISGN network, to integrating movements from the South, and the North eventually. But first we need to finish constructing our South identity.



With the support of the Karibu Foundation, the International South Group Network is promoting alternative globalization through the promotion of free and open software.

The concept of 'free' does not only mean free in the monetary sense but also the lack of boundaries to modification, change and development according to the needs of the community. Good governance would have us all using Microsoft and religously obeying patents. Open software is linked to every movement for social and economic justice, and with every movement for the control of resources and reclaiming the commons. FOSS deals with the access and control of information and the tools of information. Information is the backbone for the fight for rights, for the distribution of messages, for the globalisation of struggles. If we do not have the control over the tools and means of communication, information is always at risk of being hijacked and manipulated. FLOSS is a means to take back control over information and the tools of information which are the basis for asserting our rights.


Developing a strategy of counter-power or counter-hegemony need not mean lapsing back into the old hierarchical and centralized modes of organizing characteristic of the old left. Such a strategy can, in fact, be best advanced through the multilevel and horizontal networking that the movements and organizations represented in the WSF have excelled in advancing their particular struggles. Articulating their struggles in action will mean forging a common strategy while drawing strength from and respecting diversity.



Yet the global justice movement does has an alternative vision of democratic governance and society could be, a society of solidarity and cooperation based on tolerance and diversity and there are many small but significant signs that this world could be constructed. The World Social Forums are a sign of our resistance and optimism. The dozens of international coalitions working on issues such as trade, drugs, water, privatisation and debt, shows the movement's capacity to create new ways of organising. The successes of these campaigns show that it is also possible to change public opinion and policy. The overwhelming response to the 2004 tsunami shows that solidarity is not a forgotten ideal. The anti-war movement shows that 'ordinary' citizens have far more integrity and common sense that their political leaders and the United Nations. Wikipedia and the free software movement show that real things can be produced outside the logic of profit, with the ancient ideas of gift and counter-gift as the basis for economic cooperation. All these are expressions of the potential of a global movement which is able to act both locally and globally, surpassing the limitations of national identity and politics, ideologies and hierarchical structures, surpassing even the logic of profit and ownership.

The 20th century has shown the limitations of both the state and the market as guarantors of justice and peace: the third challenge for the global justice movement is to create, through intellectual work and practice, the emancipatory paradigm for the 21st century. It will not be written in a single political manifesto or in an academic journal (the days of truth being handed down from above are over) but it will evolve from praxis, reflecting the diversity and pluralism of the multiple real and virtual worlds in which we live. Without over-estimating the benefits or difficulties of horizontality or consensus, we have the elements to break with the 'old politics' of hierarchy and centralisation, and to build a 'new' politics of inclusiveness, consensus and diversity. These values and practices are the seeds of a radical new democracy.

The academic profession is challenged to be responsive and responsible. Each of these concerns calls for a defiant spirit of truthfulness that may entail some adverse consequences. There are concerted campaigns afoot within the society to purge university ranks of radical voices and to intimidate still further the rest of the academic community.[9]

“We know from history that we have helped; that we can continue to help to put certain issues on the agenda, encourage debate and sometimes move crucial questions towards resolution. We have more and more allies. I know dozens of academics using their skills in the service of social movements in the larger society: some of them are in this room and I embrace them. Thank you for your contribution to the understanding our burden in the South, and for taking part in our liberation and empowerment, which is also your liberation and your empowerment.
[1] Millions of tribal Indians died as a result of European colonization backed by the Church since Columbus landed in the Americas in 1492, through slaughter, disease or enslavement. Many Indians today struggle for survival, stripped of their traditional ways of life and excluded from society. "It's arrogant and disrespectful to consider our cultural heritage secondary to theirs," said Jecinaldo Satere Mawe, chief coordinator of the Amazon Indian group Coiab. Several Indian groups sent a letter to the Pope last week asking for his support in defending their ancestral lands and culture. They said the Indians had suffered a "process of genocide" since the first European colonizers had arrived. “Brazil's Indians offended by Pope comments.” Reuters, May 14, 2007

[2] Editors, “Kipling, the ‘White Man’s Burden’, and U.S. Imperialism, Monthly Review, Vol. 55, No. 6, (November, 2003). Kipling’s “White Man’s Burden,” subtitled “The United States and the Philippine Islands,” was published in McClure’s Magazine in February 1899.* It was written when the debate over ratification of the Treaty of Paris was still taking place, and while the anti-imperialist movement in the United States was loudly decrying the plan to annex the Philippines. Kipling urged the United States, with special reference to the Philippines, to join Britain in the pursuit of the racial responsibilities of empire:
Your new-caught sullen peoples, Half devil and half child.
Many in the United States, including President McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt, welcomed Kipling’s rousing call for the United States to engage in “savage wars,” beginning in the Philippines. Senator Albert J. Beveridge of Indiana declared: “God has not been preparing the English-speaking and Teutonic peoples for a thousand years for nothing but vain and idle self-contemplation and self-admiration....He has made us adept in government that we may administer government among savage and senile peoples.” In the end more than 126,000 officers and men were sent to the Philippines to put down the Filipino resistance during a war that lasted officially from 1899 to 1902 but actually continued much longer, with sporadic resistance for most of a decade. U.S. troops logged 2,800 engagements with the Filipino resistance. At least a quarter of a million Filipinos, most of them civilians, were killed along with 4,200 U.S. soldiers (more than ten times the number of U.S. fatalities in the Spanish-American War).*

[3] William K. Tabb, “Imperialism: In Tribute to Harry Magdoff,” Monthly Review, Vol. 58, No. 10, (March, 2007),
[4] Susan George, Acceptance Speech, Honorary Doctorate, UNED, Madrid, 25 April 2007, www.tni.org
[5] William K. Tabb, “Imperialism: In Tribute to Harry Magdoff,” Monthly Review, Vol. 58, No. 10, (March, 2007),
[6] Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops' Conference, 'God Hears The Cry Of The Oppressed' , March 30, 2007
[7] Mukoma Ngogi, “Africa does not need more western philanthropy”, Z Net, April 21, 2007,
[8] Ibid.
[9] Richard Falk, “Responsible scholarship in ‘dark times’, Academics as scholars, teachers and public intellectuals,” Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research, April 30, 2007